Private property and public property of the state in Hans- Hermann Hoppe
Essay by Filippo Matteucci
"A state is a territorial monopoly of coercion, an agency can engage in continued violations of property rights and institutionalized exploitation of private owners through eminent domain, taxation and regulation." With these same words Hans-Hermann Hoppe opens his essays "natural elites, intellectuals and the state" and "The economy policy of the monarchy and democracy, and the idea of \u200b\u200ba natural order. " The definition proposed by Hoppe state is seen as a subject, as an autonomous entity with respect to individuals and families who act in it and through it. In the remainder of the two papers will then be considered as the state subject to law - power to property. However already in the Anglo-Saxon concept of "agency" is foreshadowed that the instrumentality of the state, an essential feature of the design and identification of the state as an apparatus or set of devices.
In "natural elites, intellectuals and the state", the opening centered on the definition of state leads the Author to revisit the theories on the origin of states. Hoppe appears sympathetic to the theory of the genesis of the endogenous state of Bertrand de Jouvenel, according to which the socioeconomic relations of course create an elite group of individuals and families. The genesis of this hierarchy is based on merit, due to a spontaneous capture of authority and widespread respect, mediated by the recognition of social virtues such as talent, wisdom, courage and superior results in terms of wealth, vision and exemplary personal conduct. The transition to the state is focusing on the monopoly of the judicial function by the most influential members of that elite, function previously attributed to them spontaneously by community. Are obviously absent in De Jouvenel ethological considerations on the relationship between subject and subject dominated dominant. Ethology ignores ethical evaluations or merit, and focuses solely for the purpose of better survival and conservation of species, targets mostly achieved as long as you stay within the instinctual motivations, often failed when such services and products of human self-consciousness 'self-consciousness itself. Yet the essential elements of the relationship ethological dominant - dominated in human relationships are highly visible and very clear and immediately evident in the interactions primitive or childish. In fact, the dominant relationship - a relationship is dominated power. The definition does
Hoppe state are elementary concepts of power, coercion, exploitation, taxation, but the state itself is seen as the actor: the state is implementing coercion, exploitation, tax, expropriation through inflation. Yet the definition of power status is irrelevant, unnecessary. The power is exercised by the dominant and dominated the possibility for the dominant force dominated the physical performance and / or performance of assets. The performance can range from mere physical enslavement of the ancient medieval crows, from military service to the underpaid employees today. The performance of property taxation are typical, lace, inflation. Both types of taxation forcing the domain to allocate parts of his life, especially time and energy to the benefit of a stranger. To hold the dominant power has to design and implement forms of control over the domain, and these forms of control may be implemented and be organized in equipment, including but not limited to, state. In this sense the concept of control as is the possibility of addressing the responses to impulses dominated major, planning to reach the lives of the domain. 'S the state as an apparatus, and thus a means of control over the dominated, which may in turn be monitored by identifying the latter in different sense the concept of control with the property used by the author. The state makes it convenient to exercise the power.
the theory of the genesis of the rule of De Jouvenel, taken from Hoppe, lacks an explicit account of the establishment of a power based on the greater physical strength of an individual on others, and / or the forces of intimidation and predatory group, even if it it is not organized a bunch of the same unified only by the purpose of the raid. It seems to me extremely important the emphasis on the virtues concausanti the difference in spontaneous genesis, not imposed, the elite, the nobility, highlighting suffers from not reconciliation but also to the merits of the martial virtues, defensive, essential in the community, not just old. The noble warrior who fights in defense or otherwise to the community is one that allows the community to a secure and prosperous, then its rank and the resulting privileges are gladly accepted by his people. And 'a must here remember the roots of morality aristocratic European roots which we find already in Homer's Iliad: "It aims to Glaucus son of Hippolochus, Glauco, he said, because we are on the bench, and food and before all filled cups in Lycia honored and admired even as gods? and so, along the Xanthus possediam of a large land pleasant place, and fertile grain fields and vineyards? course lest primieri andiam tra' Licii nelle calde battaglie, onde alcun d'essi gridar s'intenda: Glorïosi e degni son del comando i nostri re: squisita è lor vivanda, e dolce ambrosia il vino, ma grande il core, e nella pugna i primi. Se il fuggir dal conflitto, o caro amico, ne partorisse eterna giovinezza, non io certo vorrei primo di Marte i perigli affrontar, ned invitarti a cercar gloria ne' guerrieri affanni. Ma mille essendo del morir le vie, né scansar nullo le potendo, andiamo: noi darem gloria ad altri, od altri a noi" recita l'insuperato incitamento di Sarpedonte a Glauco nel Canto XII. Nell'ambito di una morale aristocratica così delineata l'autocoscienza umana, invece di ostacolare la migliore sopravvivenza della specie, is indifferent acceptance and acknowledgment of death, inevitable, and awareness of the almost unlimited power of the noble warrior before it. Not afraid of death, and their loved ones, and the consequent extreme willingness to take risks to defend the community, ensure that the community recognizes as protected by the warriors and spontaneously offers the best land, the best food, the best women, and obey their commands. The difference between spontaneity and taxation in the recognition of power between the noble warrior Homeric revered by his people and the raiders of the unruly pack is an essential difference and, above all, is a qualitative difference. So we are talking about quality of dominance.
We therefore diversifying the use of force and weapons focus on distinct and opposite purpose; one hand, the noble warriors who fight to protect, or at least the benefit of a grateful community, dedicated to a bunch of the other race, their communities as communities of strangers. Failure to clarify this distinction leads Hoppe to focus only partial aspects of power, which functions as a peacemaker, legislator, judge the essays in question he is gradually monopolized by monarchs. Another contradiction is found in the essays in question, partly linked to the hours that focus in part, is that between the spontaneity of the contribution of power to the dominant, based on the recognition of its quality, and the alleged opposition of other members of the elite that the author does rise because of the imposition of power. A recognized quality should not have opposition, should not require taxation. It has therefore become necessary for a definition and measurability of the concept of quality of the dominant, but also identify the quality and purpose of the opponents. Hoppe, having identified the monopolization of judicial functions by the monarch, the cause of free passage from the burden of the tax law and its application, the opposition seems to be attributable to the deterioration of the king quality of the law: "Instead of supporting the old property rights and implement universal and immutable principles of justice, a court monopoly, which now no longer feared losing customers with a less than impartial conduct, began to betray the existing laws to his advantage [ ...] other members of the natural elite resisted attempts at the genre, but usually it was because the king took side with the "people" or to the 'common man. "Appealing to the increasingly widespread feeling of envy, the king promised justice to the people a better and more cheaply by paying the bill, through taxation, the aristocracies (competitors of the king). Second, the monarchies enlisted the help of the intellectual class.. "This passage seems to me central, and requires a thorough comment. Outset there is to be noted that placing the charge, as an essential element of the power relationship between dominant and dominated, can not find its genesis nell'onerosità the law and its application, since it pre-exists. Frondeurs The opposition to the king could also originate from that part of the powerful do not spontaneously recognized by the community, the descendants of the raiders of the flock, no sense of extended community. Just the king and the community may have previously scaled the dominance imposed by brute force of these powerful of poor quality. And they, the raiders, to be kept distinct from the various Glauco history, the warriors loyal to the king, then rewarded for their valor and their courage is the king that the people with goods and honors. That the bill they have paid only the aristocracy is debatable, but one thing is certain: whenever a monarch not excellent quality, with fears Frondeurs affection, hit the power and role of an aristocracy loyal to him sufficiently signed the sentence for himself.
Each modern revolution saw cunning and unscrupulous raiders pull the strings in the shadows, pulling out a rude and stupid mob sans-culottes to shed blood to physically eliminate the king and nobility for kings faithful. These are a new type of raiders, bankers and members of the high bourgeoisie, who want to seize the state apparatus-and in particular the tax authorities to dramatically increase their wealth at the expense of all other members of the community. Raiders who can take advantage of an unfair misrepresentation of reality used for this purpose intellectual hired to bring the people of the lie as truth. Hoppe said sharply: "There were those who correctly recognized that the problem was the existence of monopoly and not elites or nobility. But these were far outnumbered compared to those who, wrongly, blamed the elitist character government and, if desired maintain the monopoly of law and its application, proposed by simply replacing the king and the real flashy pump with the "people" and the presumed propriety of the 'common man. " Hence the historical success of democracy.. "I would summarize that the problem lay in the decline in the quality of both the incumbent king, and the aristocracy. The classic example of this is the Sun King, Louis XIV of France. A king whose work by improving the power and wealth of the kingdom did not give results. A noble king fearful of the frond, which potentially competitive aristocracy to break against it, requires it to court, he transforms it into a crowd of lackeys, entrusts the servitude closest to his person: warriors transformed into masks, dissolute, arrogant and useless. The provinces and estates, thus depriving the natural rulers, they fall into the hands of administrators and factors, by their very nature dishonest and, to quote the author, aimed to present the possibility of this raid. They enrich stealing aristocrat is absent from both the people and the wealth gives power.
One of the most significant and appreciable Hoppe's claims is that the worsening conditions of the people following the transition from monarchical to democratic government and the substitution of the sovereignty of the king with that, formally, the people themselves. And 'maybe this theme the crux of "natural elites, intellectuals and the state", a theme taken up and expanded in "The Political Economy of the monarchy and democracy, and the idea of \u200b\u200ba natural order." Hoppe overturns the widespread belief that humanity improved gradually marching towards ever higher stages of development. The formal transition from monarchy to democracy is in fact a step backward in civilization, full of dire consequences for the quality of life of the governed. One wonders what is due to the widespread belief improved. Primarily to technical progress, progress that would have occurred but also in monarchical governments, perhaps in a more respect the centrality of man and the environment in which humanity lives. Second, scarce in war (just) the advanced countries, but not due to depletion formal democracy, but all'inutilizzabilità of atomic weapons and the presence of production facilities in those countries too expensive to be destroyed. The conditions of peace and progress of the West are not so technical merits of formal democracy, but inevitable consequences of different kinds of arrangements service that have occurred, and by themselves insufficient to ensure quality of life. The author clearly identifies some aspects of the real decline of civilization come true with the transition to democracy: "This created a" tragedy of collective goods. " Each time, not only the king, became entitled to take possession of private property of others. The consequences were greater exploitation by the government (plus tax), the deterioration of the right to the point that has eliminated the idea of \u200b\u200ba body of universal and immutable principles of justice, replaced with the idea that the law consisted in the legislation (Act created, rather than discovery and eternally "date"), and an increase in the rate of social time preference (more present-oriented). "
In reality, what is the difference between private property and public property of the state? Hoppe notes that "A king owned the land and could pass it to his son, so at least try to maintain their value. A democratic ruler, however, was and is only a temporary manager who tries to maximize any type of government current revenue at the expense of principle which is thus wasted. "Private ownership status of the monarch is hereditary, so familiar. We speak therefore of a family of owners - kings ruling. This family knows that it is directed, and most likely will be, the owner of the state territory and state community. Land and community are its properties, and are cared for, well managed, made more prosperous and more powerful. And 'natural that every person, every family has care and treatment of its properties, especially when it is almost certain that they could pass on from generation to generation. Anyone care to cooperate in this work with the royal family can be rewarded with a social advancement, ensuring the upward mobility between classes unrecognized by the author. This is not to deny the historical existence of King and principles that appear to arise, rather than the noble warriors from raiding that I mentioned above: it is the latter kind of monarchs who plundered and impoverished his subjects to finance unnecessary wars of the border ; historically are an example of the Italian masters from the Renaissance onwards. Hoppe effectively focuses the temporary management of the governing Democratic e quindi il suo interesse alla razzia immediata. Tuttavia vi è da chiedersi: chi è il governante democratico? Esiste, può esistere una proprietà dello stato veramente pubblica?
Nella tradizione giuspubblicistica europea la forma monarchica viene contrapposta solitamente alla res publica, che letterelmente vuol dire "cosa di tutti". Hoppe sottolinea giustamente l'essenza altamente elitaria delle poche democrazie comparse nella storia antecedentemente alla prima guerra mondiale. Ma proprietà elitaria è concetto opposto a res publica, proprietà pubblica, di tutti. L'intuizione marcusiana della funzione di controllo sui dominati attribuibile alla distorsione del significato delle parole richiede un approfondimento su tale contraddizione. Democrazia letteralmente vuol dire comando del popolo, potere al popolo. Ma se eccettuiamo i rarissimi casi storici di democrazia diretta, rinvenibili ad esempio nella ecclesia ateniese, è proprio vero che la democrazia delegata, elettiva, rappresentativa, concreta un effettivo potere del popolo votante, quindi delegante? Chi delega potere perde potere a favore del delegato, così come, nell'amministrazione di affari e patrimoni privati, chi delega la gestione degli stessi impoverisce facendo arricchire l'amministratore, il delegato. In fondo, è questa la sorte subita da buona parte della nobiltà, attratta nella capitale, a corte, in una vita dannunziana, mentre il furbo e avido fattore lasciato ad amministrare le grandi proprietà Land gradually appropriates it. As the factor will be the peasants? It makes one wonder about the quality of the ruler of that entity, then why is he, enriched factor, to buy votes to get elected in democratic parliaments. The elective democracy postulates the uncertainty, insecurity, and then the temporary nature of power, and the need to buy the consent, acquiescence. For the families descended from the banker who runs the sans-culottes or profiteer from the power factor depends on the state of wealth, the financial ability to buy consensus. These new ruling families can not rely on spontaneous recognition of authority by the people. The urban masses, operaizzate, surviving in appalling living and working conditions, or farm laborers exploited, hates those ruling families. These families must then solve the problem of continuity of power, and the only guarantee of survival which becomes the dominant families to get their hands on the apparatus of the state, particularly on taxes. This allows you to socialize the costs of consent, ie to pay a majority of disinterested opponents or the cost of annuities is distributed to both clientes copious subsidies that families cut out the power for themselves, disguised as the various forms and with the most varied ways. Obviously, to this end, the most disinterested and distracted are among the people, the better. In the past, forms of control were mainly physical, coercive and punitive, the hose to the gallows. Today, forms of control are essentially mental, use of mass media, and aim at planning and dominated the lives of channeling and diverting their thoughts: What the ruling says the domain should want in life. Today's forms of mind control are complementary to the blackmail business - typical income of clientelism, which consists for example in the provision of employment only to the families of servants of proven loyalty and obedience. Still, it remains another problem, that of spontaneous non-recognition of authority, usually expressed as odio. La soluzione a tale secondo problema viene trovata nella non visibilità del potere effettivo.
Il potere viene esercitato su di un territorio, un comune, una provincia, una regione, uno stato, più stati, da una famiglia o da gruppi di famiglie in vario modo alleate tra loro. Nel passato caratteristica del potere era la visibilità: tutti dovevano sapere quale famiglia o gruppo di famiglie comandava sul territorio: funzionali alla visibilità erano i simboli del potere, scettri, corone, emblemi, sigilli, stemmi sui palazzi, effigi sulle monete e quant'altro. Il potere era quindi manifesto, dichiarato; oggi invece si nasconde dietro la formale e ovviamente fittizia dichiarazione di appartenenza della sovranità al popolo. Oggi power will (or must) be invisible: a few families control even know what the municipality in which they live, yet the families of the dominant qualitative lives of residents. Visibility is not instrumental to the exercise of power through front men, politicians and public administrators, screens between the ruling family and the families of the domain: This dummy does not have any real power, execute the orders of ruling families and manage the crumbs and alms of patronage. They can easily be responsible for those charges by the ruling families: they finance these political professionals as employees, the only intended to enter the lists of candidates, or at least the only ones to have an opportunity to be elected. However
solutions devised by these families to remain the dominant power in a formally democratic regime, as can easily be sensed by their very nature and mechanisms of their cumbersome equipment, they have certainly ensured the longevity of a consent obtained, free of charge, on the merits. Therefore remains very valid description of the behavior of the ruler democratic Hoppe, present-oriented, and its main effects: increased public spending, the government deficit, inflation and taxation, and forced removal of mind of the most basic natural rights. These effects are described in more detail in the paper "The political economy of the monarchy and democracy, and the idea of \u200b\u200ba natural order ', reading which one can not but admire, as well as the clarity, freedom of opinion, opinion and expression generally unthinkable in a European university professor. The author proves his thesis deteriorating quality of the dominant as a result of the transition from private ownership to the monarchical state Democratic res publica, from the end of World War I, with the data on raising the indices of exploitation and Guidance to the present. First
taxation: until the second half of the nineteenth century, the public authority does not handle more than 8% of national income; the first income tax was introduced in the United Kingdom only in 1843, even at the beginning of World War I the total expenditure of the government does not rise above 10% of GDP. Today it was off to the public, only with taxation, and without considering inflation, well over 50% of the new wealth produced by them and substantial shares of the stock of private wealth exists. The civil service, tool tip of the cronyism and the socialization of the costs of consent, explodes: until the end of the nineteenth century jobs in the state rarely exceed 3% of the total workforce, we are now above the 15 %. Inflation is the heaviest and most subtle tribute to the ruling families may impose on citizens. During the monarchical age, there is a coin - the goods, with an intrinsic value given by the precious metal which is composed mostly gold and silver, and thus largely removed from government control: In this condition, the price level is generally decreasing and increasing purchasing power, except in times of war or discovery of new reserves of these metals. Wealth mobility of citizens, the value of their savings, are therefore protected and preserved. After the First World War and until today, in the era of democratic republics, with the imposition of the fiat paper currency, printed at virtually no cost and no intrinsic value, and concomitant with the gradual abandonment of the gold standard, ie the gold convertibility of paper money, the price indices multiply alarmingly their values, burning people's savings to the benefit of states and ruling families who derive their wealth from the use instrumental in their favor, the state and public spending. In fact, inflation has been in recent decades and continues today to be even more the instrument of a gigantic plundering the wealth of those who are not in power. During the monarchical government debt was mainly due to war and in times of peace monarchs tended to reduce their debts. Since the beginning of the democratic era government debt is rising, and it literally exploded with the advent of the regime of pure paper currency not convertible. For the citizen it is as if a stranger had assumed the right to lend money to a bank in the name and on behalf of the city itself: the money takes them and uses the outsider, the citizen will have to pay the debt with interest. The transition from ius naturalis, a set of principles and natural laws, inherent in every human being and so universally recognized, respected even by the sovereign in terms of their existing positive law, unilaterally and arbitrarily place, or rather imposed by a legislature private properly of the state, passing itself destructive of possibilities and expectations di convivenza, vede in era democratica un aggravamento nell' inflazione legislativa, nella produzione alluvionale di decine di migliaia di leggi e regolamenti. Con uno sviluppo del tutto simile a quello della democratizzazione della moneta, cioè della sostituzione di carta moneta governativa alla moneta merce privata dotata di valore intrinseco con conseguente inflazione e incertezza finanziaria, l'alluvione legislativa porta al progressivo deprezzamento di tutte le leggi e all' incertezza giuridica. Le più insignificanti minime attività umane vengono minuziosamente e inutilmente regolamentate, a dimostrazione del potere totalitario di un governo formalmente democratico. Invece, complici una magistratura statalista di bassa qualità, selezionata clientelarmente, e un allungamento temporale dei processi, vengono di fatto scarsamente o per nulla tutelati proprio i diritti naturali fondamentali, quelli all'incolumità della propria persona, al rispetto della proprietà privata individuale e familiare, alla libertà di opinione, alla libera iniziativa economica, alla salute, alla vivibilità dell'ambiente e delle città.
Hoppe vede ulteriori indici di orientamento al presente e di deterioramento qualitativo. Nota il sistematico incremento degli indicatori di disintegrazione familiare, del numero di famiglie disfunzionali e ritiene in buona parte responsabile di ciò la spesa sociale e il progressivo sollevamento dei dominati dalla responsabilità di provvedere alla propria salute, alla propria old age. The systematic reduction of the sphere and the time horizon of the private provision leads to loss of value of marriage, family, children, private savings, and the decrease in birth rate. They grow rather quickly divorces, illegitimate children, unmarried parents, single people, abortions. As a result of the discredit of the law caused by inflation legislative, and collectivization of responsibility created by the welfare policies of formal, systematic increases the crime: "... a systematic relationship between time preference and high crime exists, because to earn income on market requires a little planning, patience and sacrifice. [...] In contrast, the majority of criminal activity [...] do not impose such discipline. The reward for the aggressor is immediate and tangible, while the sacrifice - the possible punishment - and the future is uncertain. "
The properties were historically existed was essentially private. Member of the formal public property, democracy formal delegation, disguised substantial family of powerful oligarchic tyranny of questionable quality, characterized and differentiated in this orientation.
As already noted, Hoppe leaves unresolved a number of other contradictions, let's see if their vision from a different angle allows us to give them a greater clarity. Hoppe counts between inflation indices and instruments of exploitation, inflation is not just that. It is also a tool to block the upward mobility between classes and elimination of potential competitors and competitive. We practice for a moment taking us identify the role and anxieties of the ruling families in the scheme of delegated democracy, invisible and very temporary owners of a private or public property formally. Let us ask ourselves who they really fear, not in this any different from the dominant (including kings) of low quality. The answer is it gives the same author, when describing the need for the monarch to monopolize functions judge and peacemaker, to escape to other members of the elite, and against other members of the elite. The latter, whether belonging to the tribe of merit, and hereby acknowledged by the people, have ability and virtue, and if you are the kind of brute force, however, the raiders have the determination to use it, and know how to use it. Families and are therefore subject to competitive with the dominant, and may be outclassed or destroy him. The competitiveness of a monarch, a royal dynasty, like any other dominant tendency in most cases are due to end in time at the age of the individual or the passage of power from generation to generation. The combat arms and face uncovered equal to what we might call the free market becomes a social risk, of course be avoided, make the natural rules of the game, until you have the power to do so. The law and the creation and use of a state - system of patronage and assistance programs are the most convenient shortcuts to accomplish this trick to block the upward mobility in the community and the replacement of the elites. The law tramples on the ius naturalis, and then chokes the spontaneous emergence of natural elites, referring to ideologies drawn up by hired intellectuals, which are imposed as a truth to a people left with no real cultural tools, tools that would allow the masses to recognize and refute to false ideologies and formal same. Historically, the application unnatural, forced these ideologies to the choices of government and social organization has always, inevitably, led to disaster and suffering, even if not continent-sized planet (think, for all, the communist ideology). In economic terms, both the positive law, to prescribe the nature of the market against the bureaucratization of that market and the disappearance of free competition, and taxation, or placing the charge, and finally the control on the issue of currency and the resulting inflation desired, allow the dominant to nip in the bud the accumulation of wealth by families of competitors. Is thus avoided the construction of assets to those elites, in the absence of such harassment, would emerge naturally on their own merits and their abilities, probably far greater than those of the dominant themselves. Hoppe
loses an opportunity to sink the knife when not elaborate formalism of Keynesian economics, the economics of patronage and parasitical tax and spend, the economy of paper accounting officers, tax collectors, accountants in regime. Keynesianism is the implementation in the field of economics in this orientation that characterizes the oligarchic tyranny disguised as democracies formally delegated. After Keynes's economics became a formal science, mystifying, causing the error. The architecture of both Keynesian economics and economic systems has been made official, accademizzata, risen to the rank of scientific principle, and adopted even by his detractors, and was thus a kind of mental trap of thinking of the armor subservient. Yet nothing is more contrary to the reality of the fundamental equation Keynesian income equals wealth. But the real economy, substantial, is a science devoted to nobilitas naturalis mentioned by Hoppe, to those individuals and families who struggle every day freely on the market. Private property and free markets are reasons to life that transcend the possibilities and the existence of debt, accounting and accountants, more or less hired, some unproductive.
also remains unresolved the contradiction between independence and mercenarizzazione, intrinsic to the essence of the intellectual. However Hoppe seems somehow realize when allocating a future role in saving more natural to the intellectual elite. Add a comment that I find wrong to use the term to designate the elite intellectual class: the story is always the one who acts, not those who merely think. The function of the intellectual purely instrumental and it seems to me similar to that of the manager of the advertising industry. The quality of the intellectual can only redeem himself when he engages solely by tax deformalizzazione of falsehood as truth, to make clear and reveal the essence of power relationships and predation between dominant and dominated. Nevertheless, the effect of his thought is reduced to nothing if the natural elites, who at that moment in history are facing attempts to pillage by the ruling families of those who have appropriated the state, do not react. It is only natural that elites can react, because only they have the know-how needed to react with continuity, perseverance and success: the cleverly stupid and apathetic mass of the people, the populace has no family identity, not you can expect nothing.
The last thing to ask is whether these natural elites exist today or will exist more in the near future. Hoppe masterfully describes the recent history and the fate today of natural elites, ie those elites recognized spontaneously by the people for their merits. With democratization, has the ultimate destruction of the natural elite and nobility. "The heritage of the great families were allayed, and life in the moment of death, through the confiscation of taxes. The traditions of economic independence of families, forward-looking intellectual, moral and spiritual guidance were lost and were forgotten. Rich men there are today, but it is common that they should their fortunes directly or indirectly state apparatus. For which they are often more dependent on continued political favors than are many far less wealthy. They are no longer, as before, heads of prominent old families, but rather "nouveaux riches". Their conduct is not characterized by virtue, wisdom, dignity, or taste, but it is a reflection of the same proletarian mass culture oriented to the present, opportunism, and hedonism that the rich and famous share with anyone else. [...] Democracy has achieved what Keynes had only dreamed of: the 'euthanasia of the rentier class. " [...] Instead of dignifying the working class, democracy has proletarianized elites and has systematically corrupt thought and opinion of the masses. "
careful sociological investigation on the origin, the genesis of the dynasty, and how the enrichment and conquest of state property by the current ruling families would be extremely useful for understanding and assessing the poor quality of the same dominant, and their destructive (and self-destructive) approach to this.
I also fear that the fossilization of the state hierarchy, including those originating from the economy of trafficking, not only blocks the vertical mobility but very possibility of a new generation of elites natural sound. Partly due to regard the relationship - effect proposed by Hoppe: I believe that the existence of a natural elite voluntarily acknowledged - a nobilitas naturalis - the sociological needs an existence of an economy based on private property and free trade. And this precisely because the natural result of the transactions between owners and non-egalitarian and elitist: the effect of the diversity of human talent and thanks to their greater ability, courage, order, diligence, accuracy, some individuals, some families can attain the status of elite and gain authority Natural recognized by their peers. Or rather, they can do if they have the appropriate environment: the free market economy. They can not do in a system - the country where the dominant families of poor quality prey and nipped in the bud the potential competitors through inflation and taxes, if not through the judicial persecution.
Finally, I would place its emphasis on the situation in which the domain is formally democratic awareness in society, and I like to do it by taking the perfect description Resana Hoppe: "In contrast to the recognized right of self defense in the event of criminal attack, the victim of aggression state property rights can not legitimately defend themselves. The imposition of a tax on property or income tax violates the rights of an owner or producer the same as theft. In both cases the amount of assets of the owner or producer is decreased against their will and without their consent. The creation of state paper money (liquidity) implies an expropriation of property of others no less fraudulent activities of a gang of counterfeiters. Similarly, any state regulation that requiring a landlord to do or not do anything with their property - as well as the rule that no one can damage property, and that all exchanges must be voluntary and contractual - implies a "Expropriation" of property of others comparable to the worst acts of extortion, robbery or destruction. But taxation, inflation of paper money and state regulations, unlike their equivalents criminal activity, are considered legitimate, and the victim of government aggression, unlike the victim of a crime, has no right to physically protect and defend his property. "
What else to add, except that in Italy, the homeland of the statist higher taxation and higher inflation, is little known even in self-defense against crime is not allowed the freedom to carry arms uncensored, the police are deliberately kept in a position to do no harm to the traffic of the new economy, the criminal, spreading money around ...
responsibility in the anti-collapse of our civilization, poverty, not of our thinking and not to act, not react to our , is only and entirely our own.
Immersed in this decline of civilization, we can not think of anything else, digressions, remove from the mind what is unpleasant, because our assets are written down and helpless, because poverty and lies too many families do not come closer to the end of the month, too many businesses close or relocate, too many immigrants come here to steal what is not theirs. In the Schmerb that, in his "The Nineteenth Century: Apogee of European expansion," defined as "the best chance of victory in the race to exploit the riches of the globe, other nations tightened their identity foreclosure, and other continents are siphoning the rank of world masters, against us, against us deluded dreamers who become unable to build us a paradise for natural and human at the same time, we take refuge in the artificial non-existent.
We start from the base, from our mind, our way of conceiving life, from our core individual identity, our family, our children, our building, our street, from our quartiere, dal nostro comune…
Dovremo farlo, non vi sono alternative.
Avv. Filippo Matteucci
Nota: Hans-Hermann Hoppe, professore di economia alla University of Nevada di Las Vegas, è un economista nato in Germania, esponente di punta della Scuola Austriaca odierna e filosofo politico libertarian. E’ Distinguished Fellow del Ludwig Von Mises Institute.
La sua notorietà anche in Italia, ambiente ostico e censorio rispetto all’antistatalismo caratterizzante tale Scuola di pensiero, gli deriva, oltre che dal riconoscimento internazionale dell’alta qualità dei suoi scritti, dall’aver insegnato alla Johns Hopkins University di Bologna.
I suoi testi, including two papers referred to in this commentary are available on the Web is at his personal website
http://www.hanshoppe.com/
either at the site of the Ludwig Von Mises Institute
http://www.mises.org /.
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